Welsh as a defining factor of Welsh identity

“The Welsh are not like any other people in Britain, and they know how separate they are. They are the Celts, the tough little wine-dark race who were the original possessors of the island, who never mixed with the invaders coming later from the east, but were slowly driven into the western mountains.”

This quote by Laurie Lee, a well-known English poet, shows the sentiment surrounding people from Wales. With this quote, Lee shows that, according to him, there is a different image of the Welsh people. They are not like other Britons, but they are Celtic and that alone makes them unique within the island.

Nationalism has played a significant role in the development of the Western world since the 18th century, but since Europe’s far-reaching cooperation in the form of the European Union, regional and local sentiments seem to be growing again. In the British Isles, various manifestations of nationalist sentiment have emerged in recent decades: Ireland’s independence in 1920, the Northern Ireland Conflict — also known as the Troubles in the period 1968–1998 (Dorney, 2015), The Scottish independence referendum and the emerging awareness of Wales’ cultural nationalism. This paper will further examine the cultural nationalism of Wales, specifically Cymraeg — the language of Wales. The language of Wales can be written as Welsh, Welsh or Cymraeg. I use Cymraeg in this paper. I attempt to investigate the extent to which Welsh nationalism is reflected in Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau, the anthem of Wales written entirely in Cymraeg.

1.Nationalism

The ideology of nationalism has played and continues to play a major role in our lives today. Indeed, in the last 150 years, a number of wars have been fought under the banner of nationalism. Examples are the Italian wars of independence (1860–1861), the Franco-German war (1870–1871), the Balkan wars and the two world wars (1914–1918, 1939–1945).

Nationalism is a term that changes over the years and therefore there are many definitions of this term. Nationalism is inextricably linked to the concept of ‘nation’. It is very important to first define what nation means before venturing into nationalism.

“Nation” comes from the Latin natio, which is etymologically related to the verb nascor (= I was born). Thus, the term originally referred to a group of people with a common origin, which is determined by region and kinship.” This is how Wessels and Bosch articulate the concept of a nation. They also state that this definition primarily had an ethnographic meaning, which distinguished it from other Latin concepts from classical antiquity, such as civitas and res publica. (Labrie, 1992) Modern nationalism made its appearance in the 18th century, with national messianism and feelings of superiority to other peoples as an expression of one’s own cultural identity being one of the main ingredients of modern nationalism. Add to this the process by which these feelings take political shape, and you have modern nationalism. (Labrie, 1992)

According to Renan, the nation is not an objective fact, but rather a subjective one. According to this, the nation is defined as a political community based on the voluntary participation of its citizens. The nation is, as the liberal Renan puts it somewhat bluntly, ‘un plebiscite de tous les jours’; it is based on the will of the individual and is therefore voluntaristic. According to Renan, the nation can only exist thanks to ‘une ame, un principe spirituel’; thanks to a feeling of mutual solidarity rooted in a common past and in the desire to preserve the heritage of the ancestors. (Renan, 1947) Anthony D. Smith has a different view of nationalism that can be described as follows: “A nation can be regarded as a group of people who share a number of specific characteristics, such as the territory they live in, the language they speak and the mythology of the past they cultivate. Often, a common religion and ethnic origin are added. The feeling of belonging to the same nation is what gives a group of people their national identity. Initially, this feeling can be traced to a common heritage that serves as a basis for cultural nationalism. This sense of a common national identity is often linked to a political movement. In this case, we speak of nationalism.” (Smith, 1991)

In order to contextualise nationalism in Wales and its various manifestations, it is obvious to define nationalism. This definition is inherently subject to changes over time and may mean something different now than it meant a few decades ago.

This definition allows us to look critically at different types of nationalism, not just the period known as The Age of Nationalism 1850–1914 (McKay, Hill, Buckler, Crowston, Wiesner-Hanks, & Perry, 2010). However, Smith indicates that the definition of nationalism is somewhat problematic, as it also encompasses a political ideology. Smith says the following about this: “Nationalism was in some way part of all the great ideologies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This makes nationalism a problematic concept” (Smith, 1991)

1.1 Cultural nationalism

As described above, nationalism is difficult to define, which is why it can be divided into different types of nationalism. The largest forms of nationalism are cultural nationalism, ethnic nationalism and state nationalism.

William Safran, Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the University of Colorada Boulder, explains the difference as follows. Ethnic nationalism is a definition of nationalism in which the nation is described or characterised by ethnicity. This form of nationalism is mainly concerned with the so-called jus sanguinis; it is a law of blood. Passing on nationality on the basis of descent.

State nationalism takes the opposite position. It is characterised or described on the basis of where you were born. This form of nationalism is about the so-called jus soli; the Law of Soil. Nationality and the nation is then focused on where the person was born, and not on ethnicity. (Safran, 2008)

In this paper, the focus will be on cultural nationalism, which lies between ethnic nationalism and state nationalism. According to Kai Nielsen, a philosopher and professor emeritus at the University of Calgary, this form of nationalism is about the shared cultural that people experience. (Nielsen, 1999) This form of nationalism is thus concerned with a national identity created through cultural traditions and language. This is in contrast to ethnic nationalism and state nationalism, which focus on the concept of a shared race, ancestry and place of birth. (Encyclopaedia Britannica)

2. Welsh nationalism

Welsh nationalism can be classified under cultural nationalism, as it is mainly concerned with language and cultural traditions. In this paper, we have chosen to deal with the language because it is unique within that cultural nationalism. A number of cultural traditions can also be seen as something British and the language is not.

2.1 Battle with England

In order to make the connection between the Welsh language and Welsh identity, it is relevant to unravel the Welsh identity. In this case, you have to deal with the difference between image and identity. In the case of the Welsh people, the image is created by the English, as exemplified by the character Fluellen from Shakespeare’s Heny V. (Innes, 2007) Fluellen is attributed the character traits of loyalty, courage and devotion. It is a stereotype of a Welsh person from Shakespeare’s time, but it also shows typical Welsh values which will also be described later in this paper. (Cull, 2014) (Shakespeare, 1994)

Welsh nationalism has been inextricably linked to England from the moment Wales was annexed by the English. Before the annexation, Wales consisted of several Welsh kingdoms: Gwynedd, Powys, Ceredigion, Buellt, Rhwng a Hafren, Deheubarth, Dyfed, Brycheiniog, Ergyng, Gwent, Gwyr and Morgannwyg.

The English monarch Henry II used local conflicts for his own benefit and this resulted in almost all of Wales being subordinate to the English crown in 1177. Until 1282, only Gwynedd was independent, but this changed with King Edward I’s victory at Llywelyn ap Gruffudd in 1282. This meant that Wales was no longer independent and this is also where the growth of nationalistic feelings under the rule of the English began. (Carpenter, 2003)

The Welsh identity is what the inhabitants of Wales say about themselves and this is a somewhat more complex situation. In the 11th century, the inhabitants of present-day Wales did not see themselves as Welsh. Welsh and Wales are terms that derive from the writings that have been found, both in the Latin scriptures and in the Welsh scriptures. The terminology derives from the words for ‘alien’ or ‘foreign’. These concepts had nothing to do with a particular dynasty or kingdom, but rather focused on ethnicity and geography. Thus, identity was not formed by the Welsh people themselves, but were pigeonholed by the British. Welsh nationalism encompasses the sentiment of an outsider and the people of Wales have embraced this; they are different from the British. (Pryce, 2001) By the British, Wales has always been seen as part of Britain, but the Welsh people think differently. The attitude of the British has essentially fuelled Welsh nationalism, as is also reflected in The Pursuit of History: “But social memory can also serve to sustain a sense of oppression, exclusion or adversity, and these elements account fors ome of the most powerful expressions of social memory. Social movements entering the political arena for the first time are particularly conscious of the absolute requirement of a past.” (Tosh, 2010) In the nationalism that the Welsh people developed, they saw themselves united in the oppression of the English. Tosh further argues that if Welsh people are to grow Welsh nationalism. there needs to be awareness of a shared history; a collective memory. The Cymraeg is that which unites Welsh people. (Tosh, 2010)

2.2 Cymraeg

Wales is part of the United Kingdom and although at first glance it does not have many distinctive features, there is something that sets Welshmen apart from their English neighbours: the language. The Welsh are more than just Llanfairpwllgwyngyllgogerychwyrndrobwllantysiliogogogoch, the longest village name in Europe. This is also recognised by the European Union, which has regarded it as a co-official language since 2008. (Williams, 2013) Welsh is a language that is related to the Celtic language family and which originally also existed as a Celtic language. This language was preserved during the Romanisation as part of the Celtic language. Wales and Cornwall were the only corners of the British Isles where Romanisation had no influence on the language use. (Janssen, 2000) In the fifth and sixth centuries, three languages were spoken on the British Isle: Latin, Irish and British. According to T.M. Edwards, it was at the end of this period that Welsh made its appearance and emerged as a distinctive language. (Charles-Edwards, 2013) Kenneth H. Jackson agrees and states that Welsh emerged after the Battle of Dyrham — a military battle between the West Saxons and the British in the year 577. (Jackson, 1953) From this point onwards, we can speak of Cymraeg as a language that plays a significant role in the lives of the inhabitants of Wales and the surrounding countries.

Cymraeg has gone through four distinct periods in the development of the language currently spoken in part of the British Isle. One speaks of the Primitive Welsh when referring to the first period (sixth century — ninth century), followed by Old Welsh (ninth century — twelfth century) and Middle Welsh (twelfth century — fourteenth century), and finally Modern Welsh (fourteenth century — present). (Koch, 2005) In order to place contemporary Cymraeg within the identity of Welsh residents, this paper focuses on Modern Welsh. This modern period of Cymraeg begins in the fourteenth century, but one more often takes 1588 as the reference point. This is when William Morgan’s Cymraeg translation of the Bible appeared. This translation was not only the first to appear in Cymraeg, but also had such a great impact on a possible standardisation of the Cymraeg literary language, that from then on one speaks of the late modern Welsh period. (BBC, 2014)

Although Cymraeg is a language, there is no standardised language. There is a literary form of Cymraeg, so it can be written by anyone, but there is no one form of Welsh that is spoken by everyone. Usually a distinction is made between North Cymraeg and South Cymraeg, but in reality there are currently four regular dialects known to be spoken in Wales. (Thomas & Thomas, 1989) But the four regular dialects are: Y Wyndodeg, Y Bowyseg, Y Ddyfedeg and Y Wenhwyseg.

Y Wyndodeg is spoken in the region of Gwynedd, which lies in north-west Wales. Y Bowys is spoken in the region of Powys, which lies in north-central Wales. Y Ddyfedeg is spoken in the region of Dyfed, which lies in West Wales. Y Wenhwyseg is spoken in the region of Gwent and Morgannwg, which lies in south-east Wales. It is striking to see that Cardiff/Caerdydd does lie in the zone where Cymraeg is spoken and Swansea falls just outside it. (Kimkat.org, 2006) An attempt was made in the 1970s to standardise the Cymraeg by trying to introduce Cymraeg Byw (living Welsh), but this ended in debacle because of the large regional differences between the dialects. (Jones, Hodder, & Stoughton, 2000)

In addition to the four traditional dialects, there is also a fifth dialect, but it has a unique place within the Cymraeg. It is not spoken in Wales itself, but in South American Argentina. It is called Patagonian Cymraeg. This dialect has developed since the establishment of the Welsh settlement of Y Wladfa in 1865. In it there is room for Spanish words, but otherwise it resembles Cymraeg as spoken in Wales. (BBC , 2014)

2.3 Welsh poetry

A piece of Welsh identity, according to D. Densil Morgan, is religion. Religion plays a big role according to Morgan in the language and identity of the Welsh people. (Morgan, 2008) The relevance of religion to Welsh identity can be seen in Welsh poems from the Middle Ages. The Welsh language takes shape from the late sixth century, but Welsh identity grows later. This can also be seen in the periods of poetry recorded by A.T.E. Matonis in his work Traditions of Panegyric in Welsh Poetry: The Heroic and the Chivalric. He argues that the Christian values of Welsh identity are established in the High Middle Ages, for that is also the period when Christianity gained a foothold in what is now Wales. This article is mainly about the transition from hymns to poems written in Cymraeg in the Middle Ages. Three periods can be distinguished within praise and poetry in the Welsh Middle Ages: the first period is in the sixth century and is characterised by the bards. This period is also called Cynfeirdd. The second period is from the year 1100–1350 and is called Gogynfeirdd. Then you have the third period in the fourteenth century (1300–1400) and it is called Cywyddwyr.

The qualities of a hero are often attributed to war and battle, the heroic aspect of a hero. Slowly this picture changes and the transition takes place in Gogynfeirdd, where chivalry makes its appearance. In the third period, chivalry has taken over the role of the heroic aspect and is the core quality of a hero. The transition of a hero’s values does not come out of the blue. The English island was confronted fairly late with the religion of Christianity. This arrival has left a certain impression, also in poetry. Chivalry, adherence to a certain code of conduct that is honourable, has its origins in the values of Christianity, and these are also expressed in Matonis’s work. In our increasingly secular society, religion plays a lesser role, but Christian values have not only been translated into our norms and values. These values are also translated into what we understand by Welsh nationalism, as expressed in modern expressions of art. (Matonis, 1978)

As discussed above, there is a secularisation of society in the contemporary world and this also has an effect on people’s identification with Welshness. This means that other factors influence that Welsh identity and make that Welsh identity. The role of religion has been played out and according to Bouris, language is that distinguishing factor within the identity of Welsh people. (Richard Y. Bourhis, 1973)

It is the language of Wales that is the binding factor within that identity and it is leading in ‘Welsh feeling’. They researched the feeling people have with the Welsh language and to what extent this influenced Welshness according to the people interviewed. The findings are described by the authors as follows:

“The sociolinguistic attitudes of the three subject groups showed clear differences amongst them. But what is interesting is that Welsh Learners did not feel any less Welsh than those who were fluent in the language. Therefore it could be the case that a Welshman is able to reassert his Welsh identity by making an effort to learn his national tongue. Also interesting is the fact that the Welsh Speakers rated their ability in English superior to the non-Welsh Learners. Therefore, it could even be that learning a second language afford one confidence in one’s native language. In summary then, the groups varied in their Welsh language skills, their desire to learn the language, the use they thought it had for their children and their self-perceptions of Welshness. It would seem then that to possess a full Welsh identity one needs at least to be involved in learning the language.”

It is concluded that to have a full Welsh identity, one must at least be involved in learning Cymraeg. If we take this study at face value, then it is of obvious importance to have knowledge of Cymraeg, in order to call yourself Welsh. (Richard Y. Bourhis, 1973)

Some sources focus on the fact that language is not a distinctive part of identity. The famous poet Dylan Thomas is seen by Welsh people as an example of a person with Welsh identity, but he does not meet the condition of always speaking or writing in Cymraeg. On the contrary, he uses the English language. This is also highlighted in the introduction to The Collected Poems of Dylan Thomas:

“Dylan Thomas is still valued today as the creator of one of the most distinctive and exciting of all poetic styles — sensuous, playful, rhythmically forceful and subtly musical, full of earworm memorable lines and passages. He is that rarest kind of author, one who, like Hopkins, Shakespeare and Joyce, permanently bent the iron of English and expanded our sense of its possibilities. Thomas’s broad appeal rests on his having written petry which is considered to be poetic in the sense the word is popularly understood — that is, as writing distinguished from other kinds by its gestural qualities, its staking of everything on the power of its linguistic invention, music and imagery. This emphasis makes his work stand out from most twentieth-century English poetry, which is distinguished by a preference for plainer styles.”

It describes why the Welsh poet Dylan Thomas is a gem of British society and can be placed in the tradition behind Hopkins, Shakespeare and Joyce — other great writers in British history. Here the picture is clearly painted of the fact that he is precisely a British poet and that is partly because he contributed a lot to the English language. (Goodby, 2016) This picture is confirmed by the work of Geoffrey Moore, who wrote an article on the life of Dylan Thomas. In it, he quotes Dylan Thomas himself, who consciously chose to write in English and therefore had himself identified as more British by the English media. But Thomas still identified himself as Welsh:

“Unable to write in Welsh or reluctant to do so because of the noncommercial nature of the language, (a number of young Welshmen) often give the impression that their writing in English is only a condescension to the influence and ubiquity of a tyrannous foreign tongue. I do not belong to that number.”

He states that he chose English not because it had to do with any national feelings or because it was commercially better for him — as some others might have done — but because he wanted it. It was his choice and it had nothing to do with nationalistic feelings or commercial interests. It was done of his own free will and that undermines the idea that Welsh identity is driven by the Welsh. (Moore, 1955)

In recent years, the awareness of speaking Cymraeg has grown and this has had its effect in a revival of Welsh nationalist sentiments. (Williams, 2013) This could not have been thought possible in 2011, when the number of Cymraeg speakers had actually fallen. (BBC, 2012) In terms of grammatical correctness, the level may not be as high as it was a few decades ago, but people are trying to speak more and more Cymraeg. It is, as it were, becoming more popular to speak Cymraeg, and the government is actively working on this. The aim is to double the number of Cymraeg speakers by 2050. (Daily Post, 2017) An example of this is how the Welsh language was treated in relation to the 2016 European Football Championships where the Welsh national men’s team took part. V

But with that growth has also come calls for greater value to be placed on speaking the language — so this is a different picture to that presented in Bourhis’s research. The call for only Welsh speakers to be allowed into Eisteddfod — a festival that celebrates Welsh culture — is a reflection of sentiment. The Wales team that competed at Euro 2016 in France should not be allowed to be honoured at the festival according to archdruid Geraint Lloyd Owen : “If they can’t speak Welsh I don’t see how we can welcome them in, because Welsh is the biggest, strongest weapon we have as a nation and without, we have nothing,” (Parfitt, 2016)

In this, you see again that the Cymraeg is that which would bind the people of Wales in nationality.

This is particularly evident in the anthem, which will serve as a case study. The anthem is written entirely in Welsh and the anthem not only gives a sense of belonging, but allows that Welsh pride and passion to come out in everyone. It is a piece of nationalism, but above all it is an essential part of the identity of modern Welshmen.

Method

The method used in the research is discourse analysis. Using this analysis, I aim to investigate the extent to which Welsh nationalism as described above is reflected in the national anthem of Wales; Mae Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau. This will be done by looking at the history, the form of the anthem and the content of the anthem, making connections with Welsh medieval poems from the Cynfeirdd, the Gogynfeirdd and the Cywyddwyr. (Matonis, 1978) This looks at the Cymraeg used in the original anthem and its translations, and not — as previously described — the other dialects.

4. Analysis

4.1 History of the anthem

The Welsh national anthem consists of two parts: the text and the music. The text was written in 1856 by Pontypridd-born Evan James (1809–1878) and his son James (1832–1902). Evan James was a merchant and traded in wool. He spent his spare time writing lyrics and poems. From an early age, his son James showed musical talent, especially with the harp, and together they spent much time creating songs. This is how the Hen Wald Fy Nhadau came into being. It is not entirely clear whether the music came before the text or vice versa, but it is certain that both were written in 1856. It is therefore also clear that the anthem consists of two different components: the text and the music. The original name for the song was Glan Rhondda.

The song quickly rose to prominence and became particularly well known after it was performed at the Llangollen National Eisteddfod in 1858. The most significant step that confirmed the song’s popularity was that it was among the first Cymraeg songs to be recorded in 1899 and published by the Gramophone Company. (Rhondda Cynon Taf Library Service, 2011)

The National Anthem was the first anthem to be sung before a sporting event, although it was not a national anthem at the time. (Wales.com) Until 1975, the Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau was sung along with God Save the Queen before matches, but in 1975 policy makers in sport determined that henceforth only the Hen Wlad Fy Nhaudau would be sung. It has also been used on official occasions in Wales since the 1970s by the government and the royal family. (BBC Wales, 2008)

4.2 Different translations

As there is no official translation of this song into English, the translations are inherently open to interpretation. A translation of the Cymraeg into English is sensitive among the inhabitants of Wales, it would be seen as an insult. That is also the reason why there has never been an official translation.

A freer translation and a strict translation of the anthem are usually assumed. The national anthem is usually sung for sporting events, and although it is not an official anthem — that is ‘God Save the Queen’ — it is the usual anthem. In addition, it is customary to sing only the first complete followed by the chorus twice. That is what the analysis will focus on. (Rhondda Cynon Taf Library Service, 2011) (Wales.com)

4.3 Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau

(First verse)

Mae hen wlad fy nhadau yn annwyl i mi,
Gwlad beirdd a chantorion, enwogion o fri;
Ei gwrol ryfelwyr, gwladgarwyr tra mad,
Dros ryddid collasant eu gwaed.

Translation:

The land of my forefathers is dear to me
The land of poets and singers, and people of status
Its brave warriors, outstanding patriots
Have sacrificed their blood for freedom

(Chorus)

Gwlad, gwlad, pleidiol wyf i’m gwlad.
Tra môr yn fur i’r bur hoff bau,
O bydded i’r hen iaith barhau.

Translation:
Country/Nation, Country/Nation, I am loyal to my country/Nation
As long as the sea serves as a wall for this pure,
beautiful country/nation
It will remain the language forever

(Second verse)

Hen Gymru fynyddig, paradwys y bardd,
Pob dyffryn, pob clogwyn, i’m golwg sydd hardd;
Trwy deimlad gwladgarol, mor swynol yw si
Ei nentydd, afonydd, i fi.

Translation:
The ancient land of the mountains, the paradise of the poets
In every valley, in every cliff there is a beauty
Through the love of my country, there will be enchanting voices
Who will be to me streams and rivers

(Refrain)

(Third verse)
Os treisiodd y gelyn fy ngwlad tan ei droed,
Mae hen iaith y Cymry mor fyw ag erioed,
Ni luddiwyd yr awen gan erchyll law brad,
Na thelyn berseiniol fy ngwlad.

Translation:

Although the enemy has overrun our country
The ancient language of the Welsh people will not disappear
The motivation is not affected by the betraying hand
Nor has the harp of my land been silenced

(Refrain)

4.4 Poetry and the national anthem

They talk about a certain pride in the first verse. A pride that expresses itself in a certain love for ‘the land’. The land here can mean both the physical land, but also the Welsh nation. Welsh nationalism here is characterised by two groups of people. Those concerned with language such as the poets and singers, and those concerned with defending Wales such as the warriors/soldiers.

In the chorus, they are again talking about the country/nation. It is not entirely clear what it refers to, but it is clear that the country or the nation, plays a big role in this song. The last thing that is said in this part of the song is very interesting. It states that language — the Cymraeg — will last forever as long as the sea forms a wall. This links the language to the physical land. You can also see the importance of the Cymraeg here.

In the second stanza, they sing of the beauty of the land, the physical beauty of the land. In addition, they mention that this physical land would be a paradise for poets, people who are professionally involved with language and, in this case, the Cymraeg. This ties in with what is said in the first stanza. The third and final stanza continues with the great importance of language, but now in the perception of the enemy. The enemy is England, and in this verse it is stated that language continues to exist despite the fact that evil forces wanted it to disappear.

We discussed earlier the expressions of Welsh nationalism that emerged in the Middle Ages through poetry. Those expressions of soldiers/warriors, heroism and chivalry can in a way also be found in the anthem of the nineteenth century. The sentiment of battle/warfare and hostility emerges in the first stanza: “Ei gwrol ryfelwyr, gwladgarwyr tra mad, Dros ryddid collasant eu gwaed.” This is about sacrificing blood to save the homeland. The third stanza follows on from this: “Os treisiodd y gelyn fy ngwlad tan ei droed, Mae hen iaith y Cymry mor fyw ag erioed,Ni luddiwyd yr awen gan erchyll law brad, Na thelyn berseiniol fy ngwlad.” This describes the hostility of England and how the Cymraeg is unaffected by this. The heroism also comes out in the third stanza in surviving English rule and hostility. It states that the Welsh harp can never be silenced.

Chivalry and courtesy feature strongly in the medieval poems (Matonis, 1978), but are less strongly represented in the anthem from the nineteenth century. This is mainly represented in the fact that the Welsh people do not yield to English domination and know how to behave in an ‘exemplary’ manner. This can also be seen in the second verse: “Hen Gymru fynyddig, paradwys y bardd,Pob dyffryn, pob clogwyn, i’m golwg sydd hardd” In this, the beauty of Wales, is discussed and that is one of the factors of chivalry and courtesy; having an eye for nature and beauty.

Conclusion

Welsh nationalism is expressed particularly in the use of Cymraeg, the language. This is also how Archdruid Geraint Lloyd Owen states with his statement “Welsh is the biggest, strongest weapon we have as a nation and without, we have nothing.” (Parfitt, 2016) Language is of such great influence that to some extent it belongs to what people consider a Welsh identity. The language is so important that it is considered important to at least participate in the process of learning Cymraeg. This can be concluded from the research conducted by Bourhis, Giles and Tajfel on the importance of the Cymraeg in Welsh identity in their study Language as a determinant of Welsh identity. (Richard Y. Bourhis, 1973)

Cymraeg is not only a unique language in grammar and speech, but it also has a nationalistic sentiment. The language took on a nationalistic character after Wales was annexed by the English in 1282 and from then on it was also a means of turning away from the English. Anything non-English was used to demonstrate Welsh nationalism. (Carpenter, 2003) It is not entirely coincidental that at this time, poetry with heroism as its theme begins to flourish. On the one hand, the battle is highly praised, which may indicate the fight against the English. On the other hand, in poetry it becomes clear that Christianity and its values are gaining a greater influence on this form of art. (Matonis, 1978)

These Christian values were developed in the Cynfeirdd, the Gogynfeirdd and the Cywyddwyr. Particularly in the Gogynfeirdd and the Cywyddwyr, chivalry and courtesy become a theme within poems and by extension, Welsh nationalism. (Matonis, 1978) This can also be seen in the Welsh national anthem, Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau. There, pride in the fatherland, the nation, struggle and the language is evident in the nationalist sentiment of the song, which was written and composed in 1856. The values of the Middle Ages that comprise Welsh nationalism are still expressed in the anthem from the 19th century. (Wales.com) (Rhondda Cynon Taf Library Service, 2011)

In conclusion, Welsh nationalism in the form of language and concepts of heroism, chivalry and courtesy can be seen in the anthem Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau.

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